Bangkok Post: Disorders Egyptians in Burma - editorial

For the second consecutive week, the new history of the great is a dictatorship ruin in the Middle East. Although it is still to soon to say if Hosni Mubarak the Egypt share the same fate as strongman Tunisia Zine el Abidine Ben Ali, yesterday protesters controlled various parts of Cairo. Mr. Mubarak has promised, he will not be removed, and as long as the military stands with him, he was probably right.
The situation is similar to that at home, in Burma, where the likelihood of regime change seem to be much more distant much closer. If anything, the political situation in Burma is more dismal. In Burma, of course, is the military leaders who have the power of decision, despite the pretext to transfer power to a civilian Government through the sham elections last November.

The elected Parliament and then begin his duties in the new capital of Naypyidaw tomorrow, but military leaders have ensured that it will act as a rubber stamp to all they propose.

In Burma, as perhaps in Egypt, it would probably be a mass defection from the lower ranks of the army with a popular revolt to provoke a change of Government. But as reveals the story on page 10 of overview of dissent in the army this week, "Film offers" spectrum, perhaps not many far-fetched people might think.

There are other parallels between the situation in Burma and Egypt. Before democracy leader and Nobel Laureate Mohamed ElBaradei returns to its Egypt native to take part in demonstrations there and has been under house arrest _ as Chief Nobel Prize winner and Aung San Suu Kyi _ democracy promotion, he gave an interview in Austria. Mr. Baradei noted that the Egypt had elections just two months ago, "they have been completely rigged." Party of President Hosni Mubarak has left the opposition with only 3%. Imagine that. And the U.S. Government said it was shocked. Frankly, I was dismayed that anything he might say it's been appalled. "The word was inadequate to express how the Egyptian people felt".

If substitute us the Egypt for Burma and America for ASEAN, the story sounds familiar.

As the United States and other Western countries, Thailand particularly long saw fit to do business with a repressive regime while periodically offering fresh allegations politically and financially.

When Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva had gone to Naypyidaw and has been photographed shaking hands with General Than Shwe last October, it was clear from the look on the faces of the PM that it would not be cropped the photo and he stayed over his coat.

But Mr. Abhisit some misgivings he cancelled and thought instead of the benefits that more trade and investment in Burma would bring to the Thai companies, including a contract to develop the port of deep sea in Dawei, Burma in the Andaman Sea stretch. Mr. Abhisit is no different from the previous first Thai making economic calculations similar, just as Barack Obama is no different than its predecessors compromised on the Egypt, although in the case of the United States, considerations were hunted as well as economic security.

The point is not that the Thailand should cut relations with Burma entirely. It's probably better to try to bring about changes through the commitment and particularly to insist on high standards of environmental and the human rights for all projects with the Thai investment.

Ms. Suu Kyi herself not condemned foreign investment in Burma outright. In fact, in a message audio easy crowd at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, last week, it encourages, if it is done with a conscience.

"I would ask those who invested or who think investing in Burma to put a premium on compliance with the Act, the environmental and social factors on the rights of workers, on job creation and the promotion of technological skills," she says.

The Thai Government said he considers these areas as a priority, but it is not clear that this was expressed in formal agreements or contracts on Burma.

Democratic voice of Burma: Parliament ridicules democracy - Larry Jagan

First Parliament Burma opened in Naypyidaw in strict secret capital. This first session of Parliament in 22 years is a watershed, with the introduction of a new form of civil government to replace the last two decades of the naked military regime. But it is nothing more than a sentence disguised military dictatorship.Disciplined democracy as the leader of the junta prefers dub its military plan to try to win international legitimacy, is just an another charade. The reality is that even if certain structural changes are introduced - a new President, Parliament, Government civil and regional assemblies - little indeed will be different from the past.

Shwe will remain in power – though perhaps not formally - and the new administration will virtually everything consisting of former military men. After months of speculation, it seems now that the current Prime Minister, Thein Sein, when Parliament means to become President and votes for the position in the coming days.

Most of the current Ministers will also renewed, with a few Deputy Ministers adopting high portfolio page, including Maung Myint, who is tipped to become the new Minister for Foreign Affairs. Former principal commanders will become Chief Ministers of the States. General Myint Swe (the former Office of operation special head of Rangoon) is not surprising to become Minister head of Division of Rangoon, and general Ye Myint (former head of Office of the special operation of Mandalay) will become the Chief of the Division of Mandalay Minister.

Despite massive propaganda in recent months, Than Shwe has finally refractory to introduce anything which may damage its authority and lead to a pluralistic system.

In fact, Than Shwe chose to maintain his lieutenants, proven and reliable power. The new civilian Government will be in name only, as it is unlikely that any what piece for civilians in cabinet because Than Shwe does does them not trust.

Of course, his greatest concern is to ensure that the new political system would never have an avenue for a successor to the army build sufficient support and power to overthrow the way in which he removed his predecessor, Saw Maung. The fate of Ne Win and Saw Maung haunts the Burmese, military leader according to sources in his family circle.

He was so amazed by trying to avoid what he eventually opted to Thein Sein - which has been a General "civil" for awhile now — Prime Minister instead of former General Thura Shwe Mann. But the former number three in the decision of the State peace and Development Council (SPDC) is to trust the critical position of the President of the lower House and will effectively control operation on the day the day of the Parliament and therefore lots of Government.

Shwe is a very prudent at best and thinking of loosening its grip on power gave him nightmares for years, with his wife, especially asking to stay in saddle for as long as possible. But senior General promised neighbours, particularly in the ASEAN countries, China and the India, that change was in the pipeline, but that it could not completely backward. A clear sign that it is not even comfortable with his own modifications, however, is clear: the new Government of military and civilian, including President, is only provisional administration and unlikely to stay in place for more than a year ago.

That Shwe has already warned the future Government if it fails to meet its expectations, the army will entail a further coup to ensure that the country following model military development and governance.

It is still unclear the frequency with which Parliament will meet and how long a session will be, although Naypyidaw sources say that it is running at its first meeting, two weeks after she elects new President and two vice Presidents. It will then be approving Cabinet - chosen by the President - new appointees and senior Ministers by respective regional parliaments.

Plan strategic overall was exposed to remaining generals in the SPDC to its recent quarterly meeting, which is likely to be the last. And future Ministers and Chief Ministers met Than Shwe last Friday in the capital have received their final instructions. Pour la démocratie - senior executive is leaving nothing to chance.

A new political structure will be unveiled in the coming days, but it is only an adaptation of the existing structure of power, with a few checks and balances. On the one hand, Than Shwe and Maung Aye remain in current positions - efficiently in the control of the army at least a year, according to sources in Naypyidaw. They will be also on national defence and the Security Council — a new organization overseeing the army and appoint the leaders in the future.

Army remaining closely under his control, Than Shwe has designed a political system that cascade down from his position at the top of the pyramid of the policy. The party in power, the Union solidarity and development (USDP) part control a triumvirate: three clients - than Shwe, Maung Aye and Thura Shwe Mann - going control of the party.

The only thing that seems to emerge that power will be more diffuse than before - deliberately to minimize any challenge to its authority. While Than Shwe is still in good health, it may be able to manipulate the political process for its own purpose. But his approach to the balance of power will revive personal ambitions and resentment, as before in time of Khin Nyunt and its network of military intelligence.

Fault lines emerge again, this time among the employees of middle and junior castes who feel that they have been mistreated and had their access companies make money reduced by "new" civil administrators who can no longer feel indebted to the next generation of military leaders. They can also perform as Khin Nyunt and his coterie made earlier, that unless the Burma reaches open onto the world and enjoy a greater global trade and foreign investment - their future may well be limited.

The dangers of the same benign autocratic continues to ignore the interests of the people as a whole were ostensibly illustrated even in the last two weeks - with massive unrest scans of North Africa and Middle East regions. Than Shwe is appalled by scenes on TV of Egypt, according to sources close to the top of the page General.

Could have the final straw that higher general attention to persistent wife urging them not to abandon power - or less to retain control over safely. The irony is that tightening it maintains its grip, the most probable is a reaction. On the one hand, there are two generals, Thura Shwe Mann, who will be very unhappy to current plans of Than Shwe and Maung Aye.

Democratic voice of Burma: journalists, Parliament - prevented Aung Shwe

Journalists will be able to enter Parliament today to cover the first session over two decades, despite promises to the contrary.It is also not clear whether media can report on future sessions, the President of the Committee on professional conduct (CPC), Ko Ko, said DVB.

"CPC previously checked with the me [Ministry of Information] and said that there is no plan to invite journalists to Naypyidaw opening Parliament", he said. This comes despite the announcement by the Minister from Myanmar, Kyaw Hsan information, January 17, reporters would be allowed.

Some correspondents of foreign media 18 arrived in Naypyidaw yesterday to cover the event, but a photojournalist said today that it would be impossible to take a photo Parliament because the road to it was barricaded with barbed wire.

An elected MP said today that on condition of anonymity two journalists of newspaper national Burmese news were visited by governmental authorities in their guest house in the capital, who took their names.

Burma has some stricter media laws in the world and prohibits the filming of the so-called sensitive materials which include Hansard unless expressly authorized to do so. The Act on electronics, filming without permission of journalists face imprisonment of 10 years.

CPC, which is formally responsible for the protection of the interests of journalists and to issue guidelines for the practice of media, has been implemented recently by the censor board of the Government, which also imposes draconian Burma press laws.

Analysts have sought to hinder the expectations for the first parliamentary session since last November's election. Both houses are dominated by Solidarity Union pro-junta and Development Party (USDP), which won the 80% of the vote, while one-quarter of the seats have been reserved for officials military pre-nommé carriers effectively veto power.

Parliament met in 1988 before the eviction of the first dictator of Burma, Ne Win, but he must return to March 1962 for the last time that he met under civilian rule.

TIME: Was significant Parliament opening Burma? -Hannah Beech

Deep in the heart of remote new capital Naypyidaw Burma, a most unusual event took place on the morning of January 31. Most legislators then 600 gathered in a room of sumptuous, Palace as well as for the first parliamentary session of the country in 22 years. Technically, almost five decades of military regime in Burma had been completed.
But if historic rally gives the illusion of a new political era in a country governed by army since 1962, the reality is quite different. "New bottle, same wine," joked Win Tin, an opposition politician veteran whose popular National League for democracy (NLD) has no seats in the new Parliament because it has boycotted elections last November. "It's the same men armed support." Everyone knows that convene a Parliament and say there is a transition to civilian rule is absurd. We know where the real power lies. »

Indeed, although the military junta has boasted about configuring Burma on a path to what he called a thriving democracy discipline, regulations governing the session legislative milestone showed how isolated and repressive Burmese are still. Foreign journalists were prevented from attending the event. Introduced in January parliamentary legislation restricting freedom of information. One rule, for example, says that any m.p. non - who undertakes in the building without prior approval of the Parliament can be imprisoned for a year. Legislators themselves are not allowed to bring electronic equipment including mobile phones, cameras or recording devices in Parliament. Neither can they ask a question without going through a dark process that takes more than a week. The oddly specific time of the opening of Parliament — 8: 00 pm - was widely regarded as a gesture by the members of the junta astrologiquement obsessed to secure the most suitable time to inaugurate their self-portraits body.

At first glance, recent months have brought this that resemble changes in topography politics of Burma. November 7, the country held its first election in two decades, allowing an entire generation of young Burmese people vote for the first time. Six days after polls, Nobel Prize for peace in chemistry and the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi was released over seven years of residency. The NLD, Suu Kyi founded, won a landslide in polls of the country in 1990, but the junta results, ignored and locked place for most of the intermediaries of the last two decades.

But three months after the events of watersheds in November, Burma feel essentially unchanged. Although Suu Kyi NLD proudly opened its Web site the same day that the Parliament held its first session, the party is no longer a legal political force. Many legislators now sitting in Parliament incredibly large building Naypyidaw are hardly the public's choice. Because of likely voter of intimidation and shenanigans urn assumed the back-to-back on the junta Union solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won about 80% of the November vote. Its elected representatives in Parliament include buddies of business of the junta and the agents who recently retired from the army participate in what is officially supposed to be a civil process.

Opposition parties who has dared to participate in surveys, including a series of ethnically based parties and breakaway NLD National Democratic Force (NDF), won fewer seats that international observers believe that they should be. With a quarter of parliamentary seats designated for appointees by the military power of the opposition in Parliament is derisory. Add to that the fact that top management positions are reserved for people with military backgrounds, and Win Tin new bottle same formulation wine makes perfect sense. (See Suu Kyi in the top 10 political prisoners of time).

One of the first tasks of the Parliament in the coming days will be to select the new President. It is rampant speculation about whether if current leader of the junta Than Shwe, an elderly former employee of mail and specialist Psy - Ops want to position or whether if it will prefer to keep the position of Commander in Chief of Burma. (By law a person cannot hold both titles.) Another candidate for the Presidency can be Thura Shwe Mann, a seasoned executive is famous for his loyalty to Than Shwe and his brutal campaign against ethnic Karen rebel. In both cases, the President will become a large part of the control of Parliament, most of the time cannot legally challenge.

A few days before Parliament meets, Burma's Supreme Court rejected an appeal by the NLD have political party recognized as a legal entity. Because the NLD decided to boycott polls in November, he rightly believed would be neither free nor fair, the party was ordered disbanded by the electoral commission in Burma in September. NLD elder spoke of reengineering of the party as an engine political shade or as a force of civil society. But two paths are untested.

Landscape policy with only minimal presence of the opposition in Parliament and a totally absent NLD sounds like a scenario dark for democratic progress in Burma. Lack of interest that many Burmese have shown in the elections and the convening of the new Parliament shows removed how they feel that their lives are Burmese political Parliament. Approximately one third of the Burmese living below the poverty line. no Parliament that will change in the near future.

Nevertheless, change, if only at a glacial pace, may still be. While many Western countries maintain on economic sanctions regime, an influx of investment from neighbouring Asian countries brought a flood of money in Burma's natural resources sector. This month, Burma has unveiled a special economic Zone law although what exactly this means is not yet clear. Most of this money has finished- and will probably continue to finish - General or their cronies company pockets. Still, more foreign investment could make life better for some Burmese, if only because of better telecommunications, improving roads and subordinate jobs even associated foreign projects. (Course, the Burmese army also showed little qualms using forced labour and farmers forcings off the coast of their lands, with little compensation for room for future projects).

"Change in Burma will come through the politics and economics, also" said Kyaw Win, Burmese political analyst in Rangoon, ancient capital and major city in the country. "But you have to be patient." Unfortunately, it is a quality Burmese, who witnessed the slow devolution of their homeland for nearly five decades, possess in large quantities.

Bangkok Post: Businesses keen on the roads of the border with Burma - Piyarach Chongcharoen

Business leaders in the central region of the country push for the development of road more border 2, 193 - kilometre with Burma from Chiang Rai to Chumphon without running through Bangkok and surrounding towns.
Sang Tangcharoenchaichana, head of the Federation of Thai Industries (FTI) in the central region, said members have been working now with government agencies to advance a project of construction of road covering several provinces: Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai, Mae Hong Son, Tak, Kamphaeng Phet, Nakhon Sawan, Uthai Thani, Suphan Buri, Kanchanaburi, Ratchaburi, Phetchaburi, Prachuap Khiri Khan and Chumphon.

The proposed road development aims to attract industries to develop in the area, improvement of the distribution of provincial revenues and thrown the competitiveness of the Thailand in trade, investment, tourism and employment, he said.

Mr. Sing part of FTI mission in Dawei in Burma Jan 22-25, to discuss a partnership between the University of Dawei and the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and industry.

The mission has also followed the progress of the project Dawei 400 - billion - baht which includes a road connecting Dawei and Kanchanaburi, a deep water port and an industrial estate.

Construction of the port and Dawei motorway will be completed by 2015.

Dawei aims to be a hub of trade, by linking the Southeast Asia and China in the Indian Ocean, passing through the sea of Andaman, receipt of goods from Europe, the Middle East and Africa.

Kanchanaburi province expects to develop a special economic zone to take account of trade, investment and transport project Dawei, he said.

On the growing concerns on the border of susceptible disorders affect the plan, Mr. Sing believes Burmese authorities are unlikely to close the road on a whim, although they would try to prevent incidents that can block construction.

For a recent meeting of the ASEAN Chambers of Commerce and industry, Burma is committed to upgrade the new road to be part of the road in Asia, international road.

Deputy Governor of Kanchanaburi Chaiwat Limwantha, stated that the province has accelerated efforts to transform a post office control and customs border to facilitate the transport of building materials and allow investors and tourists in Baan Phu Namron Dawei. The process should take no more than four months.

The new Customs Office would facilitate the export of machinery and equipment for the construction of the industrial area and port in Dawei. Many Thai factories can move from Dawei.

The Government recently unveiled plans for the construction of two motorways - a Bang Yai-Nakhon Pathom-Muang Kanchanaburi route and another to Muang Kanchanaburi at Baan Phu Namron to connect to Dawei.